Idealistic politics, efficient governance, and national development are deeply intertwined. A society or nation cannot prosper under a political system devoid of principles, as it weakens the very foundation of democratic processes. Despite more than five decades of independence, the country's democratic progress has faced continual challenges. Over time, fundamental values such as political ideals, public welfare, selflessness, and ethical behavior have diminished, turning politics into a tool for personal gain.
On 5 August, after the student-led uprising, an interim government was formed under the leadership of Nobel laureate economist Dr. Muhammad Yunus. Prominent thinker and Emeritus Professor of Dhaka University Serajul Islam Chowdhury discussed the current state of the nation, the future of politics, and related matters with Kaler Kantho’s Ali Habib in this interview.
How do you view the recent student-led uprising in Bangladesh?
The incident was led by the youth. Historically, significant movements—such as the Language Movement, the 1969 Mass Uprising, the Liberation War, and the anti-Ershad movement of the 1990s—were all based on the unity of students and citizens. Sheikh Hasina’s fall also began with a youth-led movement. However, it is crucial to consider what actually happened. Some call it a second independence; others view it as a revolution. In reality, neither occurred. What happened was the fall of a brutal regime.
Do you see the presence of people-centric politics in the country?
No, not in that sense. The bourgeoisie are not against inequality; they actively create and nurture it. True anti-inequality movements must come from socialists. If socialists, democrats, and secularists unite around a clear and essential agenda, they could mobilize people and make the impossible possible.
What is your outlook on the future of politics in the country? Will tolerance for differing opinions return?
Tolerance is unlikely to increase; it will probably decrease. Those who come to power through elections will still be bourgeoisie, and their politics are power-driven. To maintain power, they are likely to become intolerant as well. However, if they are less involved in embezzling resources than the previous governments, that would be a positive change.
People want to move forward. Is the state enabling them to do so?
As I’ve said before, bourgeois rulers are not against inequality. Inequality remains the primary obstacle to progress. Without eliminating inequality, progress is impossible. We need a change in the trajectory of development. Development should not burden the people like a mountain; it should flow like a river—creative, inclusive, and beneficial. For this, a fundamental transformation of the capitalist-bureaucratic nature of the state is essential.
How has nationalism evolved since the Pakistani era? Has the nature of the state changed?
Nationalism has its limits; it is confined to a certain boundary. Power acquisition is the ultimate goal for nationalists, and they stop progressing once they achieve it. Pakistani nationalism was rooted in religion, while Bengali nationalism emerged in rejection of that. There are similarities and differences between the two, but the scope remains limited.
Will changes in the state system lead to social change?
The fundamental structure of the state has not changed. Over the past 53 years, power has only changed hands. There have been changes in the names and attire of rulers, but not in the character of the state. These changes have benefited 20% of the population while marginalizing 80%. The current state system is increasingly cruel and does not support fundamental social change—it opposes it.
How can education be made conducive to intellectual growth?
The primary condition for universal education is single-stream education in the mother tongue. The current tripartite system of education symbolizes class inequality. We need to establish a secular, democratic, affordable, equitable, universal, well-planned, and high-quality education system that helps students develop into individuals with strong moral foundations.
The fight to transform society is a long-term one. Do we have the mindset required for this struggle?
The number of people committed to social change has decreased, but they have not disappeared. This struggle continues in various ways. Most people in society are good, but they are unorganized. They lack a party, and there is no cultural preparation for organizing them. However, people will not lose their humanity. The fight requires the involvement of conscientious and intelligent individuals.
Do you see any new global dynamics emerging?
Globally, there is no alternative to the capitalist system. Capitalist states profit from war—they sell arms for profit. Israel commits genocide in Palestine, and Russia attacks Ukraine. The two capitalist superpowers, the U.S. and Russia, aim to dominate the world and keep other states within their spheres of influence. Even capitalist China is expanding its trade for profit, trying to control small and weak nations like ours.
What is your vision for the future of the state and society?
Without changing the state and society, our future will not change. The state is stronger than society; thus, without altering the state, society cannot be transformed. Our current state was formed for colonial purposes, so its fundamental change is not just necessary but imperative.
What is your stance on the people's aspirations and their liberation?
Capitalism-induced inequality is the primary obstacle to the people’s liberation. Liberation can only be ensured by ending inequality and establishing social ownership in place of private ownership. Reforms alone will not suffice—they will collapse. To resolve the crisis permanently, a state and society free from inequality must be established.
You’ve mentioned that social liberation is impossible without alternative politics. What would this alternative politics look like?
Alternative politics must aim to replace the profit-driven capitalist system with a world of social ownership. This requires not only state reform but also a social revolution. The relationship between rulers and subjects must be broken, inequality must be eliminated, and true equality and friendship must be established. There is no other way but through social revolution.
Is changing the state system a simple task?
No, it is not simple. The task is difficult but not impossible. It requires the unity of patriotic individuals as well as cultural preparation—both of which are currently lacking. However, I hope that the unity of conscientious people can make it possible. Nothing is impossible for humanity.
This is indeed a significant challenge.
Certainly. However, we have bid farewell to the British Empire and the Pakistanis. Before and after independence, our people achieved victories despite facing tremendous challenges.
Is there an alternative path?
It is undoubtedly difficult, and we cannot expect anything from the bourgeoisie. Only those committed to social change can show the alternative path—no one else can.
How do you envision the future of Bangladesh?
I envision a democratic state and society—one that is free of inequality and ensures equal rights and opportunities for all. Such a society aligns with the promises of the Liberation War. The struggle for liberation has not ended; it continues and will persist until its objectives are achieved.
Source: Kaler Kantho
BDST: 1357 HRS, JAN 11, 2025
